Thursday, September 27, 2012


Why Putin Wants Obama to Win

Klipping The Moscow Times


The 2012 U.S. presidential election presents a contrast to the 2008 election in terms of their perceptions by the Russian elite.
In 2008, then-PresidentDmitry Medvedevexpressed a desire to work with a "modern" U.S. leader rather than one "whose eyes are turned back to the past." He was referring to Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama. But influential Russian elites voiced their support for the Republican candidate, John McCain, despite McCain calling PresidentVladimir Putina KGB spy who has no soul and calling to expel Russia from the Group of Eight leading industrial nations.
Even though McCain was more critical of the Kremlin, some members of Putin's entourage favored McCain because they believed he was more predictable than Obama. They insisted that Russia was doing well economically, whereas the United States was losing one position in the world after another. Therefore, when confronted with the U.S. threat, Russia might only get stronger and consolidate its status as a great sovereign power. The elite's main concern is with rebuilding power and geopolitical influence. If McCain were in the White House, the thinking went, Putin would have a convenient anti-Russian bogeyman whom the Kremlin could exploit for domestic political reasons, giving it another pretext to ratchet up its anti-Americanism, increase defense expenditures and crack down on the opposition.
Yet it seems that the Kremlin's support for U.S. hawks is shifting. In March, Medvedev took issue with U.S. presidential candidate Mitt Romney's characterization of Russia as the "No. 1 geopolitical foe." He said the view "smelled of Hollywood stereotypes" and suggested that it was rooted in the Cold War.
But it wasn't only Medvedev and his pro-Western supporters who became critical of the Republican's views. Although President Vladimir Putin recently thanked Romney for his openness regarding the "No.1 foe" comment, he also indicated that it would be hard for the Kremlin to work with Romney as president, especially on sensitive security issues such as the missile defense system. During Putin's interview with RT state television, he also called Obama an "honest man who really wants to change much for the better." This comment was widely viewed as Putin's most direct endorsement of Obama in the presidential race.
The change in Russia's perception can be explained by the sobering effects of the global financial crisis and progress that Russia and the United States have made since 2009. The crisis ended Russia's era of 7 percent average annual growth from 1999 to 2008. Russia, which is overly dependent on energy exports, was hit particularly hard by the 2008 crisis. Its gross domestic product fell about 8.5 percent in 2009, while China and India continued to grow, albeit at a slower pace.
It took Russia's leadership some time to adjust its foreign policy to the new global conditions. Obama's decision to improve relations with the country and establish strong ties with Medvedev despite Russia's war with Georgia in August 2008 was essential. The diplomacy of pressing the "reset" button with Russia proved important for alleviating the Kremlin's fear of NATO expansion and the region's destabilization in response to Washington's strategy of regime change in several countries.
Since 2009, the two sides have cooperated by signing and then ratifying the new START treaty, imposing tougher sanctions on Iran and working to stabilize Afghanistan. Not only did the Kremlin provide overflights and overland transportation, but it also recently approved NATO's use of the Ulyanovsk airport as a transit point for soldiers and cargo to and from Afghanistan. Russia also renewed a strong interest in developing economic relations with the United States and completed negotiations over its membership in the World Trade Organization.
The progress in U.S.-Russian relations since 2009 does not mean that Russians are entirely satisfied with their relations with the U.S. Russia remains critical of the U.S. proposal to develop the missile defense system jointly with the Europeans without Russia's participation. At the end of 2010, Moscow had to swallow its pride by shelving Medvedev's proposal to create a pan-European security treaty after getting an ice-cold reaction from the U.S. and NATO. Furthermore, NATO remains supportive of Georgia's eventual membership in the alliance, a particularly sore point in U.S.-Russian relations. Finally, the Kremlin's stubborn support of Syria in the United Nations Security Council remains an irritant for Obama and even more so for Romney.
Despite all the Kremlin's frustrations, it remains hopeful that Obama will be re-elected and that he will help to move U.S.-Russian relations forward. The stronger dialogue and engagement that may result from an Obama presidency is an opportunity to weaken nationalist phobias in both Russia and the U.S. This opportunity must be seized.
Andrei Tsygankov is professor of international relations and political science at San Francisco State University.


Read more:http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/why-putin-wants-obama-to-win/468837.html#ixzz27eZ6GfJA
The Moscow Times

Friday, September 21, 2012


CIS Free Trade Zone Agreement
1.       Ukrainian Parliament ratified a free trade zone agreement with CIS.  Free Trade Zone approved by The Economic Council of CIS members  that would move the CIS further toward liberazed trade. The agreement was signed in Oct 2011 with only Russia and Belarus having ratified.

2.       CIS includes :
-          Armenia,
-          Azerbaijan,
-          Belarus,
-          Kazakhstan,
-          Kyrgyszstan,
-          Moldova,
-          Russia,
-          Tajikistan,
-          Turmenistan,
-          Uzbekistan, and
-          Ukraine.

3.       The agreement stipulates cutting import duties to a minimum and suggests that export duties be harmonized and eventually abolished.

4.       Ukraine, whose trade with CIS amount to US$ 140 billion a year, also intends to go ahead with its plans to create a free trade zone with EU. Ukraine=-EU relations aere damaged by last year’s jailing of former PM Yulia Tymoshenko over a gas deal with Russia which was declared by the gov to have harmed the country’s economy.

5.       EU Authorities have declared Tymoshenko’s trial politically motivated and have called for her to be released.




Thursday, September 20, 2012


Laporan dari Moskow
Hatta Minta Garuda Buka Penerbangan Langsung ke Rusia
Wahyu Daniel - detikfinance
Selasa, 26/06/2012 13:37 WIB

Klipping detikfinance

http://us.images.detik.com/content/2012/06/26/4/133809_hattarusia2.jpg
Moskow - Demi meningkatkan kerjasama bilateral khususnya di bidang pariwisata, Pemerintah Indonesia ingin ada maskapai Indonesia yang membuka rute penerbangan langsung (direct flight) ke Rusia.

Menko Perekonomian Hatta Rajasa mengatakan, tahun ini harus sudah bisa diwujudkan pembukaan rute penerbangan langsung oleh maskapai dalam negeri. Hatta ingin PT Garuda Indonesia sebagai maskapai milik negara mewujudkan rencana ini.

"Tahun ini sudah harus bisa kita wujudkan. Garuda harus kita dorong. Memang harusnya itu maskapai milik negara, tapi kalau tidak bisa, kita akan cari maskapai lain," jelas Hatta kepada
 detikFinance di President Hotel, Moskow, Senin malam (25/6/2012).

Dikatakan Hatta, penerbangan langsung ini bisa meningkatkan jumlah kunjungan turis dari Rusia ke Indonesia. Otomatis sektor pariwisata akan lebih maju.

Secara terpisah, Koordinator Fungsi Penerangan dan Pendidikan KBRI Moskow M. Aji Surya mengatakan, sejak ditandatanganinya Air Service Agreement antara Indonesia dan Rusia pada Maret 2011 lalu, belum ada realisasi penerbangan langsung Indonesia-Rusia dan juga sebaliknya sampai saat ini.

"Saat ini yang ada hanya penerbangan langsung lewat pesawat sewaaan dari Rusia ke Indonesia. Tapikan ongkosnya jadi mahal. Sementara kalau ada penerbangan reguler langsung, maka ongkosnya akan lebih murah. Kita harus mendorong agar ada penerbangan langsung ini. Karena multiplier effect-nya bagi Indonesia sangat besar untuk sektor pariwisata dan perdagangan," jelas Aji kepada detikFinance.

Aji mengatakan, potensi pariwisata dari penerbangan langsung ini sangat besar mengingat jumlah turis asal Rusia yang ingin berkunjung ke Indonesia banyak, namun karena tak ada penerbangan langsung, Indonesia dianggap 'negara jauh'.

"Rata-rata jumlah turis Rusia yang berkunjung ke Indonesia ada 100 ribu orang per tahun, semantara yang ke Thailand bisa mencapai 300 ribu, ke Mesir bisa jutaan karena penerbangan langsung dan singkat waktunya," kata Aji.

Saat ini wisatawan Rusia mencapai Indonesia dengan menggunakan penerbangan reguler harus melalui Singapura, Doha, Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Frankfurt, atau Amesterdam. Waktu tempuh perjalanan pun cukup panjang, bisa sampai 16 jam.

"Penerbangan melalui Qatar dan Dubai perlu 16 jam sampai 17 jam, kalau hanya di Singapura hanya 14 jam, kalau ada direct flight bisa dipangkas menjadi 10,5 jam. Penerbangan langsung akan mematahkan stigma bahwa Indonesia itu Jauh, dan Indonesia itu bukan hanya Bali," tutur Aji.

Sektor perdagangan juga diyakini bakal meningkat apabila penerbangan langsung ini bisa direalisasikan. Menurut Aji, buah-buah tropis seperti di Indonesia menjadi idola orang-orang Rusia. Namun langka karena tidak ada penerbangan langsung, dan buah-buahan ini rentan busuk.



Kamis, 05/07/2012 11:01 WIB
Laporan dari Moskow
Rusia Penting untuk Indonesia, Indonesia Penting untuk Rusia
Arifin Asydhad - detikNews
Berbagi informasi terkini dari detikcom bersama teman-teman Anda

Klipping detikNews

http://us.images.detik.com/customthumb/2012/07/05/10/110354_moskow.jpg?w=460
Moskow Hubungan diplomatik dan bilateral antara Indonesia dan Rusia berlangsung berliku dan dalam sepuluh tahun terakhir semakin baik. Indonesia menganggap Rusia sebagai kawan penting. Demikian juga sebaliknya. Fakta-fakta sejarah pun menunjukkan bahwa Rusia selama ini tidak pernah meninggalkan Indonesia.

Merajut dan meningkatkan kualitas hubungan kedua negara ini menjadi tugas utama bagi Djauhari Oratmangun, diplomat yang saat ini dipercaya sebagai duta besar Indonesia untuk Rusia dan Belarusia. Begitu tiba di Moskow, ibukota Rusia beberapa bulan lalu, Djauhari langsung tancap gas untuk melakukan komunikasi demi peningkatan hubungan kedua negara.

Bagi Djauhari, Rusia merupakan negara penting buat Indonesia. Negara ini merupakan negara paling besar di dunia. Rusia memiliki luas 6 kali luas Amerika Serikat atau 10 kali luas Indonesia. Negara ini juga memiliki banyak sumber daya alam dan menguasai produk-produk strategis, termasuk produk-produk di bidang pertahanan. Dari sisi sejarah, hubungan Indonesia dan Rusia juga sangat dekat.

"Ibaratnya, Rusia itu saat ini merupakan kawan lama di era baru," kata Djauhari kepada beberapa pimpinan media massa dalam pertemuan di KBRI Moskow, Rabu (4/7/2012). Beberapa pimpinan media berada di Moskow untuk menghadiri pertemuan pimpinan media seluruh dunia yang diberi nama World Media Summit II yang digelar 4-8 Juli di World Trade Center Moskow.

Hubungan Indonesia dan Rusia sudah terjalin sejak awal 1900-an. Bahkan, sebetulnya lebih awal dari itu, karena Kaisar Nikolei II pernah mengunjungi Indonesia selama dua pekan pada tahun 1890.

Namun, setelah kasus G 30 S dan isu komunisme, hubungan Indonesia dan Rusia sempat vakum, kurang harmonis selama 30 tahun. Kantor Kedubes RI yang terletak di Novokuznetskaya Ulitsa 12 tetap beroperasi dan selalu berganti duta besarnya, namun hubungan Indonesia - Rusia terasa hambar.

"Baru kurang lebih 10 tahun terakhir komunikasi Indonesia dan Rusia semakin membaik. Selama ini, dari fakta-fakta yang ada, ternyata Rusia tidak pernah meninggalkan Indonesia. Di event-event internasional, Rusia selalu dalam posisi membela Indonesia," kata Djuhari. Dengan semangat antara Indonesia dan Rusia sebagai kawan lama inilah, Djauhari yakin hubungan Indonesia dan Rusia akan semakin mantap dan kokok di masa mndatang.

Dalam catatan sejarah, banyak contoh bagaimana Rusia sangat membantu Indonesia. Dalam buku 'Sahabat Lama, Era Baru' yang diterbitkan oleh KBRI Moskow dan ditulis Tomi Lebang, disebutkan bagaimana mesranya hubungan Indonesia dan Rusia di era Presiden Soekarno. Pembangunan Monumen Nasional (Monas) yang merupakan ide Presiden Soekarno misalnya, itu merupakan bantuan Rusia. Pembangunan Gelora Bung Karno juga atas bantuan Rusia (dulu Uni Soviet-Red). Patung Pak Tani dan RS Persahabatan juga merupakan bantuan Rusia.

Bagaikan pepatah 'Cinta Lama Bersemi Kembali', hubungan Rusia dan Indonesia kembali menunjukkan kemesraannya setelah Uni Soviet runtuh dan Indonesia mengalami reformasi pada akhir 1990-an. Para diplomat Indonesia dan Rusia kembali melakukan komunikasi intensif membangun persahabatan yang pernah terjalin dengan hangat dan berkualitas.

Karena itulah, begitu resmi menjadi dubes RI di Moskow, Djauhari langsung tancap gas melakukan pertemuan-pertemuan diplomatik dengan pemerintah Rusia. Djauhari ingin persahabatan Indonesia dan Rusia semakin baik. Selain menyerahkan surat kuasanya sebagai dubes RI kepada Presiden Rusia Medvedev, Djauhari juga menemui Vladimir Putin, yang saat itu menjadi Perdana Menteri Rusia.

Kini, Rusia dipimpin kembali oleh Putin. "Sejak saya bertugas di sini, saya telah bertemu Putin sebanyak tiga kali," ujar diplomat yang pernah bertugas di New York dan beberapa negara besar di dunia, termasuk Asean ini.

Semakin membaiknya hubungan Indonesia dan Rusia ini juga ditandai dangan hadirnya beberapa menteri Indonesia di Moskow hari-hari terakhir ini. "Beberapa hari lalu ada lawatan Menko Polhukam Djoko Suyanto. Setelah itu ada Menko Perekonomian Hatta Rajasa. Dan baru kemarin 1 Juli, ada Menteri Pemberdayaan Perempuan Linda Gumilar," kata Djauhari.

Beberapa bulan mendatang Presiden SBY juga akan berkunjung ke Rusia untuk menghadiri KTT APEC yang akan digelar di Vladivostok pada September 2012 mendatang. Vladivostok merupakan kota pelabuhan terbesar Rusia di tepi pantai Samudera Pasifik yang terletak di wilayah Rusia Timur Jauh dan merupakan ibukota dari provinsi Primorsky Krai. Terletak di ujung Teluk Tanduk Emas, tidak jauh dari perbatasan Rusia dengan Cina dan Korea Utara. Di sela-sela acara APEC, sudah pasti SBY akan melakukan pertemuan bilateral dengan Putin untuk membahas peningkatan kerjasama dua negara besar ini: Indonesia dan Rusia.

(asy/nrl)
 




Kamis, 05/07/2012 11:46 WIB
Laporan dari Moskow
Penting Mengubah Persepsi tentang Rusia
Arifin Asydhad - detikNews
Berbagi informasi terkini dari detikcom bersama teman-teman Anda

Klipping detikNews

http://us.images.detik.com/content/2012/07/05/10/115035_moskow2.jpg
Moskow Bagaimana pandangan Anda tentang kota Moskow? Di mata banyak orang Indonesia, image kota Moskow atau negara Rusia masih dianggap menakutkan dan kumuh. Padahal, kota Moskow sangat jauh berbeda dari yang dibayangkan kebanyakan orang Indonesia dan negara-negara Barat. Moskow sudah tidak lagi seperti di era komunis.

Pantauan detikcom, kota Moskow sungguh menarik dengan aktivitas perekonomian yang menakjubkan. Di jalan-jalan, berbagai variasi merek mobil berkeliaran. Tidak ada dominasi satu merek mobil di kota ini. Dari merek Jepang, Eropa, maupun Korea ada. Bahkan mobil produk KIA dan Hyundai sangat banyak di ibukota Rusia ini.

Mal dan pusat perbelanjaan juga dengan bervariasi. Brand-brand besar dan terkenal di dunia hadir di kota ini. Produk-produk gadget dari berbagai belahan dunia ada juga di kota ini, termasuk dari Amerika, meski memiliki harga yang sedikit mahal. BlackBerry sudah masuk ke Moskow, meski agak terlambat. Beberapa operator telekomunikasi baru berlomba-lomba membundling BlackBerry tahun lalu.

Hotel-hotel juga banyak variasi dengan bangunan-bangunan yang indah. Begitu juga apartemen-apartemen. Jalan-jalan di kota Moskow lebar-lebar. Transportasi massal kereta subway juga beroperasi dengan baik sejak lama. Restoran-restoran tersebar di mana-mana dengan menu variasi yang luar biasa. Selain masakan Rusia, ada masakan Eropa, Timur Tengah, maupun Asia.

Dari sisi keberagamaan, tak ada lagi pelarangan aktivitas keagamaan di Rusia di era sekarang. Bahkan, sejak 1990-an, tempat-tempat ibadah yang dihancurkan oleh pemerintah di era komunis yang lalu, sudah dibangun kembali oleh pemerintah yang baru. Baik gereja-gereja ortodoks maupun masjid-masjid. Masyarakat dari berbagai suku dan agama juga hidup berdampingian dan rukun.

Intinya, bahwa Moskow saat ini merupakan kota moderen dengan aktivitas perekonomian yang luar biasa. Di saat negara-negara Eropa mengalami krisis, Rusia seakan tidak terpengaruh.

"Di Moskow, produk yang bagus pasti laku dan tidak ada dominasi merek tertentu. Dari mana-mana ada. Ini menunjukkan bahwa Rusia sudah sangat kapitalis di era perdagangan bebas seperti ini," kata Kabid Sospenbud KBRI Moskow M Aji Surya saat berbincang-bincang mengenai Moskow, Rabu (4/7/2012).

Dubes RI untuk Rusia dan Belarusia, Djauhari Oratmangun, memang mengakui masih banyaknya orang di dunia, termasuk Indonesia, keliru dalam melihat Rusia. "Persepsi tentang Rusia ini harus kita ubah. Selama ini, Moskow selalu dipersepsikan sebagai negara komunis, padahal sekarang tidak. Persepsi tentang Rusia pokoknya selalu buruk selama ini. Padahal Moskow kota moderen yang indah," kata Djauhari kepada beberapa pimpinan media massa dalam pertemuan di KBRI Moskow, Rabu (4/7/2012). Beberapa pimpinan media Indonesia berada di Moskow untuk menghadiri pertemuan pimpinan media seluruh dunia - World Media Summit II - yang digelar 4-8 Juli di World Trade Center Moskow.

Dari sisi politik, terpilihnya kembali Vladimir Putin sebagai presiden Rusia pada tahun 2012 ini juga membawa angin segar bagi Rusia. Meski ada sebagian warga Rusia yang menilai pemilu berlangsung curang, namun Putin bisa menjawab suara miring itu. Puluhan ribu CCTV telah disebar di tiap-tiap TPS (tempat pemungutan suara) untuk menghindari tudingan itu saat Pemilu lalu. "Diberitakan media barat ada demo besar-besaran di sini, tapi ternyata demo hanya ratusan orang saja," ujar Djauhari.

Pengubahan persepsi tentang Rusia, kata Djauhari, penting untuk hubungan Indonesia dan Rusia ke depan. Saat ini Indonesia terus menggenjot komunikasi dalam rangka meningkatkan hubungan bilateral dengan Rusia. Sebab Rusia merupakan negara terbesar di dunia, kaya sumber alam, menguasai teknologi tinggi untuk industri-industri strategis, dan memiliki populasi yang cukup besar sekitar 140 juta jiwa.

Ekspor Indonesia ke Rusia meningkat setiap tahun, meski belum besar. Tahun 2011 lalu, nilai ekspor Indonesia ke Rusia sekitar US$ 2,5 miliar. Komoditi terbesar yang diekspor ke Rusia adalah furnitur dan sawit. "Tahun 2015 nanti, kami menargetkan nilai ekspor kita ke Rusia sudah mencapai US$ 5 miliar," ujar dia.

Menko Perekonomian Hatta Rajasa saat berkunjung ke Moskow beberapa hari lalu juga sudah menandatangani MoU antara Indonesia dan Rusia dalam pembangunan kereta api di Kalimantan. Juga sudah dibicarakan mengenai rencana-rencana untuk bekerja sama dalam bidang bisnis. "Misalnya, karena Rusia ini merupakan produsen gandum yang besar, ada pembicaraan bagaimana kalau Indonesia membangun pabrik mie instan di Rusia. Sebab kebutuhan mie instan di Rusia ini sangat tinggi," ujar Djauhari.

(asy/nrl)
 


What Drives the Kremlin's Syria Policy
06 July 2012
Klipping The Moscow Times
http://static.themoscowtimes.com/upload/iblock/4cd/cartoon.jpg
The Syrian crisis has become the latest test of Russia's relations with the West. Moscow's support for the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad and its readiness to aggravate the West in pursuit of that policy has surprised Western politicians and observers, especially in light of the initial "conciliatory" position that Russia took toward foreign intervention in Libya in early 2011.
Western analysts and media have attempted to find rational explanations for Russia's position, suggesting that its main motivation is a desire to preserve its military base in the Syrian port of Tartus and its profitable weapons sales to Damascus. But these factors do not seem to play a leading role.
As the Soviet Union's most loyal ally in the Middle East following Egypt's fall from the Soviet orbit, Syria was probably the largest recipient of Soviet arms among non-Warsaw Pact countries in the mid-1970s. As a result, Syria was able to create a powerful military for that time, equipped almost entirely with modern Soviet weaponry.
As part of an agreement in 2005, Syria placed major orders in 2006 and 2007 with Rosoboronexport, the state arms exporter, for the purchase of weapons worth about $4.5 billion, and that deal continues to define Moscow's military and technical cooperation with Damascus.
The Tartus port, often described in the media as a "military base," consists of two floating docks with a couple of warehouses and some barracks. Tartus has greater symbolic than practical significance for the Russian Navy. It cannot serve as a base for deploying a major naval operation in the Mediterranean, and Russian ships in the area call on the port more as a show of solidarity with Syria than to replenish supplies. Losing the Tartus port would have no significant negative consequences for the Russian Navy.
Moscow's policy toward Damascus basically amounts to supporting the Assad regime to prevent it from being overthrown by foreign military intervention. This policy is based on a fairly broad consensus among Russia's politicians, analysts and the general public. In this context, PresidentVladimir Putinplays the familiar role of "protector of Russia's interests" against Western meddling and expansionism.
Of course, Putin is also motivated by a desire to preserve his own hold on power. His authoritarian regime also faces a growing protest movement that receives political endorsement from the West. Putin cannot help but sympathize with Assad as a fellow autocratic ruler who is struggling against "outside interference in his country's internal affairs."
But the most influential factor is the Kremlin's firm belief that Russia cannot afford to "lose Syria." The collapse of Assad's regime would signify the loss of Moscow's last client and ally — and only foothold — in the Middle East. Syria is seen as one of the last symbolic remnants of Moscow's superpower status that was the trademark of the Soviet Union. Western military intervention in Syria would be a worst-case scenario because the Kremlin would be practically powerless to prevent or resist this, except for a veto in the United Nations Security Council.
There is a generally pessimistic perception in Russia of the consequences of the Arab Spring for the Middle East as a whole, and of the possible results of a Syrian revolution in particular. Moscow considers secular authoritarian regimes to be the only realistic alternative to radical Islamic influences in Arab states. After many years of suffering from Islamic-inspired terrorism and extremism in the North Caucasus, Russian public opinion is on the side of Assad. Moscow sees Assad not so much a bad dictator, but as a leader fighting against an uprising of Islamic barbarism.
The active support for the rebels fighting Assad from Saudi Arabia and Qatar only reinforces Russia's deep suspicion of the Islamic character of the Syrian insurgency. Russia has long been concerned about Saudi Arabia's export of radical Wahhabi ideology across the Middle East and beyond, including parts of the North Caucasus.
The final factor is the Kremlin's traditional aversion to unilateral Western interventionism. The latest example of this was the intervention in Libya, which the West justified by broadly interpreting UN Security Council resolutions and even violating those same resolutions by arming Libyan rebels. Russia viewed U.S.-led Western actions in Libya as cynical and deceitful, a typical display of its double standards.
At the same time, the violent conflict in Syria brings to the surface all of the Kremlin's foreign policy fears, complexes and phobias. These factors are more dominant in shaping Moscow's policy toward Syria than the actual events on the ground there. What's more, Putin, who has always tried to exploit such sentiments for his own gain, is now burdened with the Russia's opposition movement, which is pushing him to take an even firmer position on Syria.
That position is not based on a desire for profits from Russian weapons sales, to preserve a presence at the Tartus port or even to gain a bargaining chip with the United States. It is based on the conviction that a revolution in Syria would inflict serious damage on Russia's prestige and national interests, particularly if the Syrian revolution is fueled by Western and Arab governments.
Ruslan Pukhov is director of the Center for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies and publisher of the journal Moscow Defense Brief.


Rusia Foreign Policy - Klipping The Moscow Times
I am getting sick of this. On May 29, Ian Bremmer and Nouriel Roubini, two of the most famous commentators on the New Europe region, wrote an absurd op-ed for the Financial Times entitled "Time to Blackball Russia's Autocratic State."
My problem with this is typical of the blatantly irrational rant (if you spend half an hour researching Russia on the Internet) and is typical of the op-eds on this meme, dressed up as analysis.
Bremmer and Roubini should be ashamed of themselves as they engage in the most blatant fact-twisting and hyperbole that is designed to do nothing more than reinforce the dogma that "Russia is evil." For two otherwise well-respected political scientists, their column is all politics and no science.
Charlie Roberson, chief economist of Renaissance Capital and formerly chief economist at ING, offered a nice concise rebuttal of some of the most glaring fact-twisting: "[The article] ignored India's corruption, China's political system, Brazil's worse score on the Ease of Doing Business, the significant improvements in Russian life expectancy and rise in its birth rate. No mention was made of GDP which has risen ten-fold in just over a decade — Putin does have some reason 'to brag,'" wrote Robinson, who obviously also has an ulterior motive to promote Russia.
Robinson goes on to point out that of all the BRIC countries, Russia was the only one to put in accelerating growth in the first quarter of this year and that Russia's macro fundamentals are amongst the best in the world.
Jim O'Neill, CEO of Goldman Sachs Asset Management, made the same point in an interview with Business New Europe in May: according to Goldman's research, India is the weakest of all the BRICs and Russia is one of the strongest.
But let me run through some of the points Bremmer and Roubini count against Russia.
Syria: most of the hoopla surrounds Russia's prickliness over the UN's attitude to Syria. This is a very complicated issue. Russia has been obstructive, as it didn't act over the UN's actions against Libya with a similar setup. However, Europe and the U.S. overstep the UN resolution's authority to basically launch a military regime-changing operation. Put aside the rights and wrongs of this — Russia's position is that it holds as central the country's sovereignty and has watched as time and time again in recent years the U.S. and its allies in the UN have charged into other countries they don't like to change the regime. Russia's position is a point of principle — neither the U.S., Europe nor the UN have the right to change a country's government, and Libya showed that whatever the resolution says the end result of a UN-led response is regime change.
The problem is further complicated by the fact that the Soviet Union traditionally had strong ties in the Arab world, and especially with Damascus. Syria was one of the Soviet Union's main non-communist trading partners — a relationship Russia has inherited. Who remembers now that former Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov was an Arabist and personal friends with Saddam Hussein?
Would the U.S. stand idly by if Russia started telling it who to be friends with? What about U.S. bases in Uzbekistan, where the president boils people alive? Isn't Washington embarrassed by its decade-long support of Egypt's Hosni Mubarak? And what about the CIA's funding of Osama Bin Laden when he was fighting the Soviets in Afghanistan? The hypocrisy is rancid.
And all these complicated issues are blithely ignored by Roubini and Bremmer in their op-ed. There is not even a parenthetical aside to say there is more here than meets the eye. Their message is a simplest of all logical constructions, a syllogism that goes: Russia has made trouble in the UN; the UN are the good guys; ergo, Russia is evil.
The next point they make is that Russia can't become a member of the international community unless it can "act like a mature free-market democracy." I hope they are not referring to the U.S. here as a role model after the travesty that was Somalia, Iraq, Afghanistan, etc. Or its shameful lack of action in Yugoslavia, where thousands were killed and the most Bill Clinton would do is fly a few bombing missions. To hold the U.S. up as some bastion of respectable international action that Russia should aspire to emulate belies the arrogance that comes with decades of following a unipolar foreign policy.
The irony of the situation is that because the U.S. is rapidly losing its power as its economy withers away thanks to its own catastrophic mismanagement, it finds itself in a position where it needs Russia's support in the UN and on the ground to deal with a problem like Syria — one of the countries where Russia really does have some sway and could bring something positive to the party. But no — far better to belittle Russia, say Roubini and Bremmer.
As for not showing up to the G8 meeting and going to Beijing and Belarus instead: Well, Russia has real business with these countries, unlike America, which, if you exclude its consumption of oil and discount the multinationals, doesn't play a very important role in the Russian economy. Why should Russia be interested in "Western clubs" when 70% of growth in the world is being generated by the emerging markets (and 50% from the BRICs)?
The next bit of the op-ed is especially galling, given the values that Russia has just been judged on and found wanting.
"Can we classify Russia as a dynamic emerging market? Not a chance," the authors write.
Except that Russia's GDP has increased ten-fold in the last decade. And with a per capita income of about $15,000 (on a Phoenix Capital basis), Russians are already by far the richest people of any of the emerging markets. Indeed, according to the last UN Human Development Report, Russia is officially a "developed market" and middle-income country, unlike any of the other BRICs.
And to go a step further: according to the annual Global Wealth report released by America's own beloved and highly respected Boston Consulting Group, Russians are enjoying the fastest-growing personal wealth of any country in the world, having increased by 21.4 percent last year. On this score, not only is Russia one of the most dynamic emerging markets in the world, it is one of the most dynamic of any market in the world and is clearly a lot more dynamic than America, where the standard of living of the average American family actually fell between 1990 and 2000, according to the U.S. Department of Labor.
Guys, you can look all this stuff up on the Internet. It is not hard to find. It's called "research."
I'm not sure if I should go on with this. Maybe a little.
"In China, the Communist Party has engineered a complex, high-powered economic engine that has lifted the country from abject poverty to become the world's second-largest economy," they write.
Yeah — based on artificially holding the currency down. And you do realize that China is not a democracy in any shape or form, and still has — and uses — the death penalty? What about treatment of Uighurs? Tibetans? Women's rights?
"India has produced some of the world's more innovative private-sector companies," they write.
And it is the weakest of all the BRICs, a country where over 500 million people live on less than $1.25 a day, according to the UN. That's about half the population. Poverty in Russia is currently 12.5 percent, which is less than the level in the U.S.
"Brazil is now an increasingly self-confident democracy with a well-diversified economy and a growing international profile," they write. Aha! A fair point! Brazil is really cool and has done very well.
"Russia, by contrast, has become an authoritarian state built on Mr Putin's reputation as a tough guy and the export of oil, gas, other natural resources and little else..."
This is just not true. Oil and gas account for between 14-17% of GDP (depending on the price of oil), while consumption and retail trade made up 52% of GDP in the first quarter. Incomes have gone from $50 a month under Yeltsin to about $800 now — that's a 16-fold increase. There is a complicated discussion about the problems with the structure of the Russian economy. But hey, why bother? Russia is evilandit has oil.
"Corruption is endemic. Transparency International's global corruption index ranks Turkey at 61st, Brazil at 73rd and China at 75th. Russia ranks far worse at 143rd." True. But actually it is the "global corruptionperceptionindex" and doesn't actually measure corruption per se, but what business people believe.
Moreover, Bremmer and Noubini have forgotten to mention that Russia's ranking has fallen from a peak of 154 to the current 143 since Prime MinisterDmitry Medvedevlaunched his anti-corruption drive. Sure, the fact that corruption is falling in Russia is pertinent to the argument — or am I making the mistake that we are attempting to rationally assess what is wrong with Russia?
"In addition, much of Russia's commercial elite still views the country as a wealth generator but not a long-term investment bet."
Who are they talking about exactly? Sure there companies like this (everyone can name them), but the fast-growing companies are those like supermarket chainMagnit, which actually increased its investments in the midst of the 2008-09 crisis, and the thousands of other firms catering to the consumer. Not to mention the arrival of the likes of PepsiCo that "invested" $3.8 billion in buying the leading Russian dairy producer, or Burger King, which just this week entered a venture to open several hundred restaurants in Russia. Surely America's own famous international brands are not in it for the short-term?
"Capital flight, a chronic problem, has reportedly accelerated since Mr. Putin's re-election in March," Bremmer and Roubini wrote.
Wrong and wrong. It was a chronic problem in the 90s, but proportionately the current capital flight is not a macroeconomic problem. Moreover, the implication here is that Russians are taking their money out, when over half the money leaving is actually from foreign banks with branches in Russia bailing out their parents in the West because the crisis that America and Europe caused has gotten them into trouble.
"The country's population is falling — because healthcare is poor, socially driven diseases such as alcoholism rampant and because well-educated Russians are leaving in search of better opportunities elsewhere."
Again, this is simply a lie — or more like a wanton lack of any sort of research at all. Russia's birthrate started rising again in 2008 (thanks to the prosperity!) and is close to stabilizing. The UN number Bremmer and Roubini cite is now in dispute, as the demographic trends have been changing dramatically. Goldman's O'Neill told BNE that he now expects a "big surprise on the upside" when it comes to Russia's demographics.
I am going to stop here. This has taken up far too much space. But it is shocking that respectable and presumably intelligent men like Bremmer and Roubini can write such obviously flawed polemical drivel as this.
There are serious issues involved here on most of the points they raise. But this mindless hate-mongering is not only pointless, it is dangerous. The world is a fragile state both politically and economically. We need as a global community to pull together if we are to put a floor under the economic fears and sooth countries undergoing a democratic awakening to keep the violence and killing down to the minimum.
But with this op-ed Bremmer and Roubini personify the arrogance and sloppy thinking that got us into this mess in the first place and is an abuse of their positions as leading commentators that people actually listen to.
I am sick of writing these rebuttals, as it is waste of time and energy. Look around you. Look what is happening in the world today. Can we afford to waste timed on these pointless debates? Well, we are. And the situation is continuing to deteriorate

BRICS ( Moscow Times )
Russia Is One BRIC Ahead of the Rest
05 July 2012

Klipping The Moscow Times
It is difficult to pick up a newspaper without reading about the BRICS countries, their importance to the global economic recovery or the impact on the rest of the world.
The increasing influence of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa is a hot topic. Sometimes the discussion focuses on their economic growth that far outpaces U.S. growth. Sometimes the focus is on the contrary: what might happen to the global economy if they, too, get caught up in the slowdown.
But does unqualified inclusion in the BRICS club automatically help Russia, or is BRICS status actually a double-edged sword?
When Goldman Sachs economist Jim O'Neill popularized the BRIC group in 2001, the selection criteria appeared to be their fast-growing economies, social development, education and consumption. At the time, it was a real feather in their caps to be singled out as a member of this super-club of emerging 21st-century powers.
But after working in Russia for several years I find myself wondering whether this description and criteria really is accurate for Russia.
Certainly, there is a well-established middle class with above-average incomes in Moscow, St. Petersburg and the 10 other cities with populations larger than 1 million. For this reason, World Bank places Russia in the "Upper Middle" income bracket.
There is also a high quality of education and powerful aspirations for the future. But these are not really new phenomena in Russia. The country has a long and proud history of social development and education going back to the 19th century. It is not a recent development, as is the majority case in the other members of the BRICS club.
In terms of its industrial base, Russia does not fit the BRICS mold. It enjoyed its vast industrialization alongside other "first-wave" economies such as the United States, Britain and Germany in the late 19th and 20th century. Colleagues in the BRICS club are very much in the throes of rapid industrial and technological development now, some 150 years later.
In turn, this has led to a higher standard of living than other world super powers that experienced this later on. For example, Chinese per capita gross domestic product is only $4,428, compared to $10,440 in Russia.
In 2005, four years after the BRICS emergence, Mexico and South Korea were deemed too well-developed to be invited into the BRICS organization. Meanwhile, statistics from the World Bank show that Russia is not only economically out-competing South Africa, a fellow member of BRICS, but also Mexico and South Korea by about $500 billion in GDP. In 2010, Russia saw foreign direct investment of $43 billion. This is far higher than that of India ($24 billion), Mexico ($19 billion) and South Africa ($1 billion).
Russia is a key member of BRICS but should not be regarded solely through this lens. We should not forget that Russia has its own unique history of development. Since Russia had its own industrial revolutions in the late 19th century, albeit smaller than in the West, and throughout most of the 20th century, this put the country one step ahead of other BRICS in terms of industrial development.
Is it time for the global economic powerhouse of Russia to be freed of the development cloud overshadowing it? Eleven years after Jim O'Neill famously coined the BRIC acronym, I would argue that the time has come to see Russia in a new light.
Ian Ivory is a partner at Goltsblat BLP, the Russian practice of Berwin Leighton Paisner LLP.

Analysis: WTO Entry Won't Spur China-like Miracle
23 August 2012
Reuters
Klipping The Moscow Times
Optimists hope WTO entry will instill a sense of urgency in the Kremlin's half-hearted reform efforts.
Opencanada.org
Optimists hope WTO entry will instill a sense of urgency in the Kremlin's half-hearted reform efforts.
Russia’s 19-year wait to enter the World Trade Organization is finally over. Unfortunately, the kind of export and investment miracle enjoyed by China after it joined the club is likely to remain well out of its Eurasian neighbor’s reach.
China too waited 15 years on the WTO’s doorstep. But for Beijing, joining in 2001 set the stage for a decade that quintupled its exports and propelled its economy from sixth place globally to the world’s second-biggest.
Russia’s commodity-based economy is less well-placed to enjoy that kind of spurt. And with trade and investment flows both scarcer than they were a decade ago, it will struggle to attract investments on a similar scale to China.
There are plenty of positives, however.
Foreign tariff barriers are estimated to cost exporters $1.5 billion to $2 billion a year. The WTO confers lower trade barriers and equal treatment for all members.
Moscow will have to haul up its own barriers, with average tariffs set to fall by a third. Tariffs on foreign cars, for instance, are to halve by 2019. So cheaper imports should leave consumers and companies with more money to spend.
And while parts of some uncompetitive sectors could sink — the domestic auto industry is a much-cited example — others, such as banking and telecom, will be opened to foreign investment.
Furthermore, the country is hobbled by a reputation for crony capitalism, red tape and disregard for investors’ rights. Optimists hope WTO entry, which has the blessing of PresidentVladimir Putinand is bound by strict previously approved timetables, will instill a sense of urgency in the Kremlin’s half-hearted reform efforts.
Ed Conroy, a fund manager at HSBC Global Asset Management, reckons Russia, like most new WTO entrants, will enjoy a growth and investment pickup if it dismantles protectionist barriers and finally shows a clear commitment to free-market policies.
“WTO is not a magic wand they can wave to create an investment haven, but if you create a less restrictive framework, you automatically create opportunities. Don’t expect a revolution but an evolution towards a more open, competitive economy,” Conroy said.
Conroy is betting bank shares will be prime beneficiaries in post-WTO Russia. Others, such as Chris Weafer at Moscow brokerageTroika Dialog, advise loading up on shares in some retailers and airlines that stand to gain from lower import tariffs.
This is in line with the view of the World Bank, which has calculated the short-term value of WTO membership to Russia at $49 billion a year, or more than 3 percent of gross domestic product at 2010 prices. That would rise to $162 billion annually when the longer-term impact on the investment climate is factored in.
But this does not spell a China-like growth miracle.
A vast pool of cheap labor handed China a post-WTO bonanza, with goods exports rising more than 20 percent a year. Foreign direct investment inflows surged five-fold over the decade thanks to foreign companies setting up factories.
That won’t happen in Russia. For one, its exports are dominated by oil and gas, which are not subject to tariff barriers. Second, the manufacturing-for-export model is unlikely to take off because of relatively high labor costs and a domestic workforce limited by years of stagnant population growth.
The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development has also admitted that WTO accession may not have substantial investment generating effects for manufacturing.
WTO Director General Pascal Lamy is not expecting too much for Russia immediately.
“I think China-2001 and Russia-2012 are not really comparable,” he told Reuters Insider, citing the different export structures of the two countries and also the fact that Moscow had negotiated for a gradual phased-in opening up of trade.
“This is not a big bang accession,” he added.
Crucially, Russia will suffer from the difference in the world economy that has occurred since China’s 2001 entry. Back then, the global economy stood on the cusp of a trade boom fueled by surging housing and credit markets.
“What China benefited from was that for many years you had a period of debt-driven growth in the West,” said John-Paul Smith, head of emerging equity strategy at Deutsche Bank.

Russia, Kyrgyzstan sign military bases deal

Source Nathan Toohey at 20/09/2012
Klipping The Moscow News
Russia and Kyrgyzstan have signed an agreement extending the presence of Russia's unified military bases in Kyrgyzstan, RIA Novosti reported on Thursday. The agreement takes force starting from 2017 and will remain in force for 15 years, with the possibility of extending it for a further five years.
"I want to reiterate that our military presence in Kyrgyzstan began with a request that the base be created so that it would provide a significant quotient of stability in the region and in the republic. So that all those who want to destabilize the situation in the region know that there is the necessary force that could be deployed in the fight against extremism, drug trafficking and terrorists," RIA Novosti quoted Russian President Vladimir Putin as saying on Thursday.

Wednesday, September 19, 2012


Russia Puts Renewed Hope in Repatriation Program

Klipping The Moscow Times

President Putin's efforts to encourage Russians to return home are seen as part of a drive to boost flagging birth rates.
Vedomosti
President Putin's efforts to encourage Russians to return home are seen as part of a drive to boost flagging birth rates.

PresidentVladimir Putinhas revised the state's repatriation program, simplifying the process for former compatriots to move back to Russia and bring relatives along with them. But analysts doubt that the changes will significantly alter migration flows.
Earlier this year, the president said that if the demographic decline is not reversed, Russia's population would shrink from the current 143 million to 107 million by 2050.
The simplified repatriation program, to take effect in perpetuity as of Dec. 31, will even cover relocation costs, Alexander Zhuravsky, head of the Regional Development Ministry's interethnic relations department, told Rossiiskaya Gazeta in an interview published Monday.
The program, whose revision Putin signed Friday, also gives returning expatriates more leeway in choosing a region of residence and lowers their income tax rate from 30 percent to the 13 percent that regular Russian residents pay, Zhuravsky said.
Regaining Russian citizenship will take a few months, Zhuravsky said, and participating families can now bring along grandmothers, grandfathers, brothers, sisters and even adopted children. He emphasized that the program was not just for ethnic Russians.
However, analysts told The Moscow Times that changes in the program were useful but insufficient and would not allow the government to significantly boost immigration.
Konstantin Zatulin, director of the Commonwealth of Independent States Institute think tank and former chief of the State Duma's CIS Committee, said the new program offers "fractional improvements" but is "not revolutionary" and "doesn't remove all the problems."

The Main Problem

The main problem is that Russian citizenship can be obtained only after the repatriate gets permanent registration, after he or she buys a residence, which can be expensive, or moves to a temporary migration center, which not every region has, Zatulin said.
Vladimir Mukomel, head of xenophobia and extremism prevention studies at the Russian Academy of Sciences' Sociology Institute, said that although the changes in the program are "useful" and "capable of solving many problems," he "doubts whether they are capable of drastically altering" migration flows.
The federal government reimburses regions for only a portion of the expenses incurred for receiving repatriates, and regional budgets are often too meager to support the program, Mukomel said.
Federal funding of the program has fallen from several billion rubles annually in 2008 and 2009 to a total of 1.2 billion rubles ($40 million) in 2010 and 2011, then only 200 million rubles ($6.5 million) planned for this year, Mukomel said.
Prime MinisterDmitry Medvedevstated this year's allocated funding at a meeting on Sept. 6, according to a transcription on the government's website.
This year's funding will go to "creating conditions in the regions" for returning compatriots, including relocation-related transportation expenses and a one-time allowance — "the startup capital," Medvedev said.
"It is evident that many compatriots would like to return to their homeland, but in making such decisions, they naturally think how they would be welcomed here," Medvedev said. "They must be sure that they will be provided a job here and that their children will go to a kindergarten or school."
"We are keen on making migration flows meet the needs of the economic development of our country and our regions," Medvedev added.

Migration Sentiment

On Oct. 15, the Foreign Ministry will hold a 6 million ruble tender for a study on migration sentiment among compatriots abroad in order to predict how many would relocate to Russia, RIA-Novosti reported, citing the website for state purchases.
The survey will question Russians living in Germany, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Moldavia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Ukraine.
According to a February article in Komsomolskaya Pravda, Putin set a task for the government to boost immigration by about 300,000 people annually through attracting "compatriots living abroad" and "qualified foreign expats."
According to Zhuravsky's Rossiiskaya Gazeta interview, 32,000 former compatriots moved back to Russia under the program last year. So far this year, 22,000 more have returned, and 50,000 more are expected by year-end, he said.
About 80,000 people have been repatriated under the program since its inception in 2006, RIA-Novosti reported Friday, citing the Federal Migration Service. More than 60 percent were under 40 years old.
More than half were ethnic Russians, while about 16 percent were Ukrainian or Armenian, 4.6 percent Tajik and 2.5 percent Tatar, Zhuravsky said. The program has also reached out to Tatars and Karelians in Finland, Germans in Kazakhstan and Germany, and Setos in Estonia.
But Mukomel of the Russian Academy of Sciences pointed out that the program failed to meet its 450,000-person expectation. Most of the repatriates relocated to central Russia instead of faraway regions that most needed the labor force, and many repatriates were children, single mothers or retirees who did not get jobs.
Repatriates were allowed to come to only certain regions, and only if they agreed to certain jobs that were often so poorly paid that even illegal CIS migrants would not take them, Mukomel said.
The revised program focuses on repatriates who would start their own business or relocate their business from abroad. Repatriates can also come to Russia to study or do business, instead of being hired by a certain employer as the program previously required, said Zatulin of the CIS Institute.
Almost all 83 Russian regions will now take part in the program, but repatriates who settle in priority areas, such as far eastern border territories, would get a "considerably" larger allowance from the state, Zhuravsky said.
Repatriation programs in Germany and Israel are based on ethnicity, but in Russia this is not possible because, being the successor of the Soviet Union, it is a multiethnic country, he said.
But, Zhuravsky added, program participants must feel cultural, historical and spiritual relation to Russia.
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